Wednesday, July 21, 2021

 DECISIONS ABOUT DELIUM




I was not interested in conducting an exercise of the not very well known but quite important engagement that took place in 424 BC between an army of Boeotians commanded by Pagondas and an army of Athenians led by Hippocrates. [1] However, I do think that a demonstration of the historical battle of Delium, in the capable and talented hands of someone like Simon Miller, or Simon MacDowall, or James Roach, or Ron Ringrose, or Rick Priestley, or the Perry brothers, would certainly be a crowd pleaser as well as offer an excellent showcase of the hobby. [2] What did attract my interest was staging a refight of Delium wherein, if I may borrow the words of the venerable Donald Featherstone, I would try to “follow the original course of events reasonably well, but allow some leeway, without too much imaginative stretch, for a reversed result”. (Battle Notes for Wargamers, 11) To develop a certain level of  knowledge—always subject to correction and expansion—about what happened at Delium in 424 BC, I secured the online translations of the narrative accounts written by Thucydides and Diodorus, and then read, studied, and annotated the printed copies of these versions until the pages were rather crowded with highlighter markings as well as scribbled notes. [3] 


To the extent that a battle from the pages of history can be divided neatly into episodes or phases, the following is a numbered summary of Thucydides’ narrative account. As to presentation, I elected to adapt the format used by Aaron Bell in his well-written and well received article on the battle of Thapsus, which appeared in the March-April 2019 issue of Slingshot, The Journal of The Society of Ancients. 


Phase 1 - Pagondas gives a long pep talk/speech and convinces the Boeotians to advance and give battle, even though daylight is fading.

Phase 2 - The Boeotian army draws up behind a large hill which prevents either force from seeing the other. 

Phase 3 - Hippocrates receives notification that the Boeotians are on the march. He orders his army to fall in. As an additional security measure, he stations 300 cavalry in Delium as a garrison. 

Phase 4 - Pagondas moves the Boeotians across the crest of the hill and then has them sit down, under arms and in battle order.

Phase 5 - The Athenians, drawn up for the engagement, are given a pep talk by Hippocrates.

Phase 6 - The Boeotians receive a few more words of encouragement from Pagondas, start chanting or singing, and advance down or off the hill to engage the enemy.

Phase 7 - The Athenians countercharge. Evidently, both phalanxes crash into each other at a run.

Phase 8 - The wings of each army cannot come to grips as the terrain on this part of the field is, apparently, impassable.

Phase 9 - The Boeotian left is bested by the Athenians. The Thespian contingent suffers significant losses; the other contingents on this side of the line are forced to give ground. During the confusion of the melee(s) on their right, some Athenians are attacked and killed by friendly formations.

Phase 10 - The Athenian left is bested by the Boeotians, specifically the Theban phalanx which, reportedly, was deployed in 25 ranks, and so was three-times as deep as the opposing Athenian hoplite formations. 

Phase 11 - Pagondas rescues his left by sending a small reserve cavalry force in support.

Phase 12 - The sudden appearance of this mounted formation panics the Athenian right and they begin to run. 

Phase 13 - This development, in conjunction with the mounting Theban pressure on the Athenian left, produces a general collapse of the army led by Hippocrates. 


I decided to apply my limited resources and focus my limited talent on Phases 4 through 13. To reiterate, I did not want to stage an exercise. I wanted to produce a refight that would follow, more or less, the general course of events as related by the ancient authorities and analyzed by the modern scholars. Starting with Phase 4, I needed to model the opposing armies and then model the landscape on which they stood. Before I could start that enjoyable work, however, I needed to decide on what rulebook or rulebooks I would use for my planned refight or refights of the battle of Delium. 


Of the six sets of rules for ancient and medieval wargaming in my small library, only one, Armati 2nd Edition, provides for the explicit representation of a unit of heavy infantry deployed in depth. To be fair, the IMPETVS rules and Simon Miller’s innovative To The Strongest! also allow player-generals to deploy units in depth, but the frontage of the formations is no different from any other unit on the model battlefield. Of the six sets of rules (my level of confidence and “expertise” varies depending on the particular volume, of course) in that small library, two of them provide for the “pushing and shoving,” the “give and take” that appears to have been a signature characteristic of hoplite warfare. Promoting this characteristic or variable over the representation of unit’s physical depth as in Armati 2nd Edition, I selected Rick Priestley’s Hail Caesar and Lorenzo Sartori’s IMPETVS. Two productions of Delium, then, would be staged on my comparatively small tabletop. 


Orders of Battle - General Considerations

Thucydides (IV.93.3-4) provides some fairly wargamer-friendly information about the numbers and composition of the Boeotian army on the field of Delium. Unfortunately, he does not provide an equal amount of detail about the Athenian forces. Additional information was found on pages 170-185 in Ripples of Battle, Professor Victor Davis Hanson’s excellent book, and on pages 99-101 in Lost Battles: Reconstructing the Great Clashes of the Ancient World, written by Professor Phil Sabin, an accomplished academic, a long-standing member of The Society of Ancients, and a frequent speaker at the annual Battle Day event. 


Without going into too much detail, to model the Thespians, Tanagraeans, Orchomenians, Haliartians, Coronaeans, and Copaeans using Hail Caesar, I fabricated six standard size hoplite units using the Later Hoplite Greek army list found on page 37 of the Biblical & Classical Supplement. The Theban contingent was classed as a large unit, but its frontage was three-fourths the size of a standard unit’s frontage, and its depth - even though page 17 of the colourful and hardbound rulebook states that “depth is far less important” - was three times that of the standard units. Not terribly interested in or excited by the prospect of staging a hoplites ONLY contest, I prepared a few units of light troops and cavalry to guard the flanks of the Boeotian heavy infantry line of battle. [4] A similar process was followed when constructing the Athenian army. Instead of an equal number of hoplite units, however, I built eight standard size heavy infantry formations for the command of Hippocrates. As for the small divisions on either wing, I prepared several small units of cavalry and just a couple of units of levy light infantry/skirmishers. With regard to the command structure of each force, I gave each auxiliary force its own officer, and the main line of hoplites was divided in two. The right of each line would be led by the known commander; the left of each line would be the responsibility of some anonymous leader. 


Turning my attention to the IMPETVS rules and The Age of Hoplites section in the Extra IMPETVS 4 Supplement, I drafted and prepared the opposing model armies for this planned staging of the historical contest. Initially, I considered a simple approach, wherein I would create seven units of Athenian hoplites and an equal number of Theban/Boeotian hoplites. While such a representation would be perfectly within the indicative unit scale described on page 8 of the colourful and spiral-bound rules (I have the 2008 version), it would not provide for a very realistic representation of the reported depth of the Theban contingent or for the possible smaller contingents of the named towns and regions. After drafting some ideas and mulling over some options, I decided to adapt the approximate unit scale provided in my old and unused copy of De Bellis Multitudinis (DBM) [Version 3.2; April 2011]. Each base or stand, then, would represent around 240 actual men organized in four ranks instead of the “wide window” of 600 to 1,200 men as listed on page 8 of the IMPETVS rules. As of this typing (07 September 2019), I have not completely worked out the number of commands that will be in each army, but I am fairly certain that Pagondas will be rated as an Expert leader, while Hippocrates will be rated as a Fair or perhaps even a Poor leader.  


Terrain - An Interpretation

If I read the account of Thucydides correctly, there was a fairly large hill situated between both armies. (IV.93.1) The only other features noted by the ancient author were the “certain currents of water” (IV.96.2) that kept formations on the wings of each army from engaging.  Much ink has been spilt and much thought expended about identifying the actual location of the battlefield, but as Professor Sabin comments, the process is “unavoidably speculative.” (99) [5] As indicated by the subtitle of this section, the following map is simply an interpretation of my amateur study of the secured source material. In addition to not wanting to stage a hoplites ONLY contest, I did not want to stage my refights on a plain-looking (i.e., boring) tabletop. Map 1 shows how I landscaped my six by four-foot playing surface for the first planned contest between Pagondas and his Athenian counterpart. 



Obviously, the centre piece of my model terrain was the large, gentle hill on the Boeotian side of the field. There were three levels to this hill. There were a couple of other gentle hills placed on my tabletop as well. To add some colour and to avoid a hoplite battle on a billiard table, there were numerous patches of scrub sprinkled across the landscape. To keep things simple, the watercourses or ditches, ravines, and or gullies were located just off the short edges of my model battlefield. 


Special Rules - Just in Case

According to the narrative of Diodorus, (XII.70.1) the Athenian hoplites or army was “caught on the hop” by the sudden advance of Pagondas and his Boeotian phalanx(es). Appreciating that this is the interpretation favored by Professors Hanson and Sabin, after further review of the account written by Thucydides, I am going to respectfully disagree and suggest that the Athenians were prepared for a general engagement. In IV.94.2, Thucydides informs: “When there were now in their order and ready to join battle, Hippocrates, the general, came into the army of Athenians and encouraged them.” (The italics are mine.) Additionally, in 96.1, it is Hippocrates who is interrupted. There is no direct statement describing the Athenians being caught in a general state of disorder or not prepared for imminent battle. In fact, once Pagondas gives his short second “pep talk,” the Boeotians begin to sing and start advancing downhill. Simultaneously, at least it appears to me, the Athenians advance to meet them. I am not so sure, however, that each phalanx or the several phalanxes, collided at a run. [6] Anyway. 


One of the most intriguing things about Delium, at least to me, is what happened over on the Athenian right. Turning to my second online translation of Thucydides, the unusual episode is worth quoting in full:


The Boeotian left, as far as the centre was worsted by the Athenians. The Thespians in 

that part of the field suffered most severely. The troops alongside then having given way, 

they were surrounded in a narrow space and cut down fighting hand to hand; some of 

        the Athenians also fell into confusion in surrounding the enemy and mistook and so 

        killed each other. (IV.96) [7]


Thinking back to the half dozen rulebooks I own and have varying levels of experience with, it occurred to me that only with L’Art de la Guerre (ADLG) and To The Strongest! would I be able to make simple flank attacks. Let me rephrase that. With these two sets, it seems rather easy to make an attack on an enemy flank. With the former, it is just expending the command point and pivoting the unit stand. With the latter, it is drawing a card that enables one to make a “difficult move or activation.” Reviewing the small collection of old and newer rulebooks a second time, it seems that I would be able to conduct a flanking move with Hail Caesar, as long as there was no other enemy unit in the moving unit’s zone of control or operations. No wait, I believe the key word is “proximity.” In brief, it seems that surrounding a portion of an enemy line with hoplites (appropriately slow moving troops in many sets of rules) would be challenging. So, in an attempt to model this specific incident of the historical battle, the Athenians just have to defeat, to rout the Thespians. If or when they do manage this, then the involved Athenian hoplite formations have to take a special test. A result of 1, 2, or 3 with a d6 is not good. In fact, a roll of 1 is going to result in mutual casualties as well as disorder. Things get slightly better with rolls of 2 or 3. With rolls of 4, 5, or 6, the Athenians have narrowly escaped attacking and hurting friends, family, and neighbours. Admittedly, this special rule is not completely set, but the general framework is there. Again, this special rule is only enforced when or if the Athenians manage to get the best of the Thespians. 


The second interesting episode at Delium is directly related to the Athenian success against the Boeotian left and subsequent confusion that resulted. I will start with a consideration of the modern analysis or interpretation of this particular situation. At the bottom of page 182, Professor Hanson wonders what Pagondas was doing roughly one thousand yards away from the developing disaster. Somehow, and very fortunately for the Boeotian cause, he sees what is going on and orders a small force of cavalry over to the left. The sudden appearance of these horsemen inspires panic in the Athenian right, which quickly spreads to the still-holding-on-against-the-Thebans left. The Athenians break, and the Boeotians claim the field. However, while I found the visual ability of Pagondas impressive, I also found it slightly problematic. Earlier, on page 181, Professor Hanson reminds the reader that the battle began late in the day. The decreasing amount of light was accompanied by the dust clouds kicked up by the struggling masses of heavily armed and armoured men. How is it then, that Pagondas could determine that his left was in peril? The two translations of Thucydides did not provide any “Aha!” moment in this regard. On the one hand, I guess the fact that Pagondas had some spare cavalry to send from his right or reserve over to the left supports the argument that the nature of the ground did not allow sufficient room for the employment of light troops on the wings. On the other hand, if one accepts the deployment of the opposing armies as described by Thucydides, (IV.93.4-5, and 94.1) then there should have been some cavalry already in position on the Boeotian left. If the hoplite melee was so confusing and deadly, then perhaps these troopers could have waited for the right moment to engage. However, this suggestion leads to the question of the location and activity of the reported Athenian cavalry on their right wing. Readers may justifiably fault me for not having a thoroughly play-tested special rule for this climactic situation. [8] As of this typing (still 07 September), the general framework or idea is this: First, the Thespians have to be nearly defeated or routed from the field. When this happens, then Pagondas, assuming he is still alive and has not been wounded or killed in melee, can roll a six-sided die. The result of this roll will determine if or when the cavalry reinforcements arrive on the Athenian right rear. If the cavalry formation does make an appearance, each Athenian unit within a certain distance will have to take a panic test by rolling a d6. Right now, I am thinking that a result of 1 or 2 results in the testing unit routing and possibly impacting others along the way. Rolls of 3 or 4 would result in an immediate retreat of a full move and then taking a second test. Admittedly, both of these special rules are very much “works in progress.” I am looking forward to tinkering with these ideas when I set up the planned games and start rolling dice and moving units into contact. 


Summary of the Hail Caesar Scenario

Map 2 shows how the table looked prior to the first command dice being rolled in my Hail Caesar version of Delium. 



The gray units mark the Boeotian formations; the blue units mark the Athenians. The yellow stars indicate the approximate positions of the opposing generals. Readers will note that there are only 7 hoplite formations in the Athenian line as opposed to the 8 units originally manufactured. This last-minute adjustment was made as the additional hoplite unit took away too much space from the auxiliary formations, identified by [8] and [9]. Indeed, the overlap on the right was quite pronounced. Athenian hoplites would have been facing off against Boeotian skirmishers and peltasts. The correction was made. There was still a slight overlap, but it was not certain that this would result in any significant advantage. The Boeotian contingents are identified with capital letters. Starting on the right of main line, there was the deep block of Thebans [A], then the Copaeans [B], the Coronaeans [C], and the Haliartians [D]. The left half of the line consisted of the Orchomenians [E], the Tanagraeans [F], and finally, the Thespians [G]. The light troops on either wing are marked by the [H] and [I], respectively. Using the 2/3rds scale rulers purchased from Litko Aerosystems, Inc. some years ago (2007, I think), the hoplite formations were separated by 17 scale inches. If they rolled well with their command dice, the Boeotians would be able to advance three moves down the gentle slope and attack the waiting Athenians. 


The refight started slowly, with only the right wings of the opposing main lines making their command rolls, and making only a single move at that. The phalanxes on the left stayed put. There were some command and control issues with the light troops in each army as well. The Athenians did manage to advance their skirmishers close enough to the enemy skirmishers, however, and succeeded in drawing first blood on the day. The second turn saw contact between the heavy infantry in the centre of each line: the Haliartian contingent charged its counterpart. The ensuing melee was a draw. In the Athenian phase of the turn, initiative moves were used to close the gap between many of the hoplite formations, and battle was joined in full. There was quite a bit of pushing and shoving. The Orcohmenians fought well and forced the Athenians facing them to give ground in good order. The Boeotians did not follow, electing to stay on the slight elevation and keep the line intact. The Thespians were engaged by a solid unit of Athenian hoplites and well, the poor fellows rolled abysmally and were routed in the blink of an eye! This unexpected but historical development resulted in trying out the drafted special rule for this eventuality. The victorious Athenians rolled the required six-sided die and breathed a great sigh of relief . . . their formation would not be marked disordered and no sections of the phalanx would attack each other. However, these hoplites did find themselves quite occupied with the Boeotian light troops. They spent the rest of the battle coming to grips with them, until they finally managed to charge into the Boeotian peltasts, win the melee, and force them back in disorder. This retreat discomforted the other light units in this wing. Ironically, not a single unit from the Athenian right wing formation of auxiliary troops played a role in this local contest. Their command rolls were terrible. Turn followed turn and phase followed phase as the various hoplite formations grappled with one another. Soon after the Thespians were routed, the Tanagraeans and Haliartians were broken. Before they left the field, these two contingents forced the Athenians to pay a fairly steep price. Hoplites on both sides were dropping by the score in the rugby match involving the Copaeans, Thebans, and Athenians. The Athenians proved surprisingly stubborn and did not yield an inch. They impressed even more when the Copaeans defeated their opponents and wheeled around to fall on the flank of the engaged and by now shaken Athenians. Still the dice rolls landed in their favor. This run of luck did not hold out for very long, though. In the next phase, a concerted push saw the Thebans, rather bloodied by the melee, finally break the spirit of the opposing Athenians. Map 3 shows the state of my table after four complete turns of play. 



It would be fair to say that the Athenians had won on the wings. On their far right, the hoplite phalanx that had bested the Thespians, almost too easily, was sweeping away the disorganized Boeotian light troops. On the Athenian far left, their cavalry had defeated all comers, leaving only the Boeotian skirmishers caught in the middle of a potential vise. The hoplite battle was, to take the opposite view of Professor Hanson, quite the bloody spectacle. [9] Three contingents of Boeotians had been broken, one was disordered and shaken, and the remaining three were in rather poor shape. Even the Theban phalanx, for all its 25 ranks, was very close to being marked as shaken. On the Athenian side of the model field, three of their five surviving phalanxes were shaken. It would be fair to say that the battle lines of both forces were hardly recognizable. It would also be fair to remark that this refight left both sides in no real condition to continue. After debating playing another turn or two, I decided to call it a draw, but with a slight advantage - a very slight advantage - to the Athenians.


Assessment

There were hints of history in this short or shortened solo wargame refight of Delium. The Thespians were “destroyed,” and the Boeotian left was roughly handled. The Athenians did not attack friends and family, and their victorious formation was not ambushed by Locrian cavalry. Over on the left, the Athenian hoplites facing off against the deep-ranked Theban contingent put up a good fight without giving ground. The additional pressure of a Boeotian flank attack, however, signaled the end of this particular phalanx. The Athenians did not lose, per se, but they did suffer quite a few losses in this battle of mutual destruction. As related above, they were awarded the laurels by the slimmest of margins, by subjective assessment primarily, because they had won on the wings of the hoplite battle. The contest between opposing hoplite lines did not resemble a “revolving door” as some authors have aptly described. Instead, at the end of four turns of moving and rolling handfuls of dice, my tabletop looked more like a large window after being struck with a hammer. There were fragments everywhere. The Athenian performance and determined result was quite different from the previous experiment using Tactica II. In the just completed scenario, there was fluid movement as opposed to static fighting between the various contingents and phalanxes. I could readily see where each side was winning and where each side was being pushed back or forced to give ground. As I have commented before, however, the combat process in Hail Caesar is a bit dice heavy and protracted, as first hits must be determined and then saving throws must be made. These rolls are often followed by a break test. There are also a number of modifiers applied throughout the sequence. For example, units that are shaken will hit the enemy by rolling a 5 or 6, instead of the usual 4, 5, or 6. The “specials” for each Hail Caesar formation also played a part. The “phalanx rule,” more often than not, produced a slogging contest, as casualties mounted with neither side yielding an inch. The process in Tactica II, at least as I understand it and have experienced it, though only a few times, is also dice heavy, but not as protracted or modifier dependent. Melees between hoplite formations are also more abstracted in Tactica II, again, at least as I understand it, as there is no recoiling as in DBM (a set of rules I really should learn how to play), there is no giving of ground, in good order or disorder, as in Hail Caesar, and, there is no accumulation of fatigue, as in Armati 2nd Edition. Overall, this refight was engaging and at points, rather exciting. Even though amateurish and more functional than aesthetically pleasing, this model increased my appreciation and knowledge of the historical battle. 


Summary of the IMPETVS Scenario

Map 4 illustrates how I set up my table for the IMPETVS refight of Delium.




Observant readers will notice that the landscape is the same as that used for the previous solo wargame. To save money and time, I simply recycled the functional terrain (something more along the lines of a boardgame map) employed for the Hail Caesar refight. The units (i.e., counters) were fashioned to represent the various contingents and phalanxes present on that day in 424 BC. I did not have to tinker with the dimensions given for 15mm scale formations in the IMPETVS rulebook. So, the contingent of Tanagraeans, for example, was depicted with four bases or stands of Boeotian hoplites. These were two large units grouped into a single formation. These heavy infantry were on the left of the Boeotian line, between the Thespians and the Orchomenians. The Haliartians, I decided, would have a smaller contingent on the field, so these hoplites were depicted with one large unit. The Theban phalanx was on the right of the line, deployed to the unusual depth of 25 shields or six stands. Pagondas was embedded with the formation. The Athenian hoplites were arranged in a line of single large unit blocks. Their battle line extended farther than the Boeotian line. As with the Hail Caesar scenario, light troops were posted on the wings. Deciding to use the Litko rulers again, I arranged the opposing armies about 15 scale inches apart. Given the movement rate of hoplites in IMPETVS, it would take three moves for opposing phalanxes to meet. To reduce the number of die rolls required, I substituted a playing card for each command. There were two cards/commands for each side; the Athenians had a left and a right. The Boeotians had a left and a right. Each turn would begin with the drawing of a single card. Whatever command was linked to that card would be the active command. The rating of the officer in charge would be checked to see if it went up, down, or remained unchanged, and then the units within that command could move, hurl missiles, and or engage in melee until they were done. At that point, another card would be drawn and the process started again until all commands had moved and or engaged in combat, or had forfeited their move. The very small deck of cards would be shuffled, and the game move sequence would begin again with a new turn. 


The Athenians took first honours or bragging rights when, on the left wing, their skirmishers bested the Boeotian skirmishers. On the opposite end of the model battlefield, the contest between skirmishers and light troops was even. There was also a clash of opposing bodies of light cavalry. This melee resulted in both sides being disordered but no losses being sustained. In contrast, there were quite a few casualties spread between the various contingents and phalanxes of hoplites on the first elevation of the large hill dominating the field. The right wings of both heavy infantry lines were the first to advance. As a result of the numerous melees, both lines quickly lost any resemblance to neatness and order. Many contingents were disordered by the pushing, shoving, and stabbing at each other with long spears. Some had been pushed back by more aggressive Athenian formations; others managed to stop the Athenian countercharges and push the enemy back to the lip of the gentle hill. Over on the Boeotian right, the deep formation of Thebans engaged the Athenians arranged against them. The Athenians tried to hold the line but were pushed back in a series of sharp, short contests. Then, the tide turned, and it was the Thebans who were stymied by a group of bloodied and stubborn Athenians. While the hoplite battles raged to and fro, on the far right of the Boeotian line, their light troops were completely routed by the Athenian light troops and cavalry. Indeed, it seemed that it was only a matter of moments before the Theban phalanx found itself dangerously exposed. Two units of enemy cavalry hovered near the inviting and undefended flank of the Theban formation. In addition, a unit of Athenian hoplites was also situated within striking distance of the same flank. Rather than continue play, I decided to end the refight then and there, judging the Boeotian position to be untenable. 


Assessment

Readers may well object to the decision to end the IMPETVS scenario of Delium after only a couple of turns. As described above, the Theban phalanx was quite exposed. There were three enemy units within range of its open flank. [10] There were enemy units to its front as well. Granted, these phalanxes of hoplites had been shoved around a bit, but they were still standing. The eventual fate of the Theban formation and of its attached general seemed rather certain. The accepted history of Delium was reversed on my table. Ironically, it was the Boeotian right that was threatened with a mounted force of some strength. Admittedly, these Athenian horsemen did not ride from one end of the field to the other, and did not use a route that was screened by a terrain feature. However, their presence and expected charge did have the desired effect. Shifting my focus to the mechanics of the rules for a brief moment, I found myself quickly reminded of the “interesting” process of IMPETVS, wherein the melee phase is divided into small slivers of action for lack of a better description. One example would be the advance of the Theban phalanx. This deep formation fought three or four consecutive melees before being halted by the previously mentioned stubborn group of Athenian hoplites. The focus on just one interaction or melee struck me as somewhat artificial. Would movement and combat on an ancient battlefield “freeze” so that one unit could fight another unit until a decision had been reached? I would guess no. From what I have read and studied, it seems that, during this broad time period, battle was more general, and involved larger sectors and numbers rather than isolated contests between individual units. [11] From the numerous IMPETVS battle reports I have read, the interaction between individual units seems to be part of the appeal. The opportunity to create dioramas with the comparatively large bases or stands is also one of the appealing aspects of these rules. On the other hand, these rules did provide for that “give and take,” that physical and spatial representation of local wins and losses that is not evident with other rules. Even though I did not play a complete game using the IMPETVS rules, I think that what was staged was sufficient. Unfortunately, I cannot say I was as engaged or entertained as I was when employing Hail Caesar. Professor Hanson (171) remarks that the historical contest of Delium took about an hour. My refight with the IMPETVS rules took slightly less time before an informed (or perhaps I should type estimated) decision was reached. 


Critique & Comments

As per usual, I can be faulted for not staging a “proper wargame” when making these two attempts to refight the historical battle of Delium. Both terrain and troops left much to be desired.  Neither terrain nor troops would present anything remotely close to the best face of historical miniature wargaming. To reiterate, a demonstration game of Delium, in the capable hands of the right individual or club, would be an excellent advertisement of the hobby. It would also, I think, serve as an excellent teaching tool about a relatively unknown engagement from the thick and dusty annals of ancient history. [12] I acknowledge that I can or will also be taken to task for not playing either refight to its conclusion. While I set out with a plan of trying to follow the understood “general course of the historical action,” neither refight provided much of an opportunity to do so. The Hail Caesar scenario came close with the early rout of the Thespian contingent, but after that point, it was difficult to find any resemblance to historical Delium. Furthermore, it was difficult to keep playing the wargame, as both sides had essentially knocked each other senseless. The IMPETVS scenario, as just related, went in an entirely different direction when the Boeotian right wing collapsed, and the Theban phalanx was judged to be in a most precarious position. I do suppose I could have played two or three more turns of this wargame as well, but I worried about my stamina as well as attention, given the previous remarks made about the complicated, at least to me, melee process. These numerous problems accepted, I would still maintain that these two refights served a purpose. I was engaged and entertained during both wargames. On further reflection, it seems that, with growing frequency, I appear to enjoy the process of research, development, and tinkering more than playing an actual wargame. That said, I feel it necessary to note that I do not have a great deal of experience with either Hail Caesar or IMPETVS. The reason for choosing these two sets of rules has already been explained. More playing time with either set of rules would, I think, have provided a higher level of engagement as well as afforded more entertainment. It occurs to me that if I had more actual experience with either set of rules, then I might have been able to engineer a Boeotian victory on my tabletop, perhaps even repeat history.


Staying with the subject of rules and choice of rulebook for a moment, I did take a long look at my unused copy of DBM [Version 3.2; April 2011]. Going over the narratives of the ancient authors and the analyses of the modern scholars, it seems quite evident - or seemed quite evident to me - that DBM would be a very good set of rules to employ for another refight of Delium. Based on my review of the popular rules, it appears that it would be possible to recreate the terrain of Delium. These model or physical features would include the declining daylight as well as the dust stirred up by the masses of hoplite phalanxes wrestling with each other. As with other commercially available sets, it seems that it would be entirely possible to draft amendments to allow for the “friendly fire” on the Athenian right, as well as provide for the “panic” on that same side of the field when or if the Boeotian reserve cavalry arrive. Representing the various troop formations with a better degree of accuracy would also be possible. As I currently understand the narrative of the historical engagement, there were hoplites of varying ability and experience on the field. This seems to have been the case with the Athenian heavy infantry especially. Looking through the rules, I see that DBM provides for three categories of SPEARS. [13] I noted, too, that the combat procedures in DBM provide for recoiling, so that some melees would result in the physical displacement of this or that stand, depending on the difference in the opposing die rolls. So, like Hail Caesar and IMPETVS, DBM would provide for movement as the various combats raged across the tabletop. Unfortunately, I have no experience whatsoever with DBM. Perhaps I need to make a resolution for 2020 that requires me to purchase the newest version of these rules and learn them. Then again, perhaps I could do some additional tinkering with Tactica II that would allow me to factor in the effect of decreasing daylight, increasing dust, more categories of hoplites, and the possible giving of ground when a pushing and shoving contest gives one side an advantage. It appears that I have some more thinking to do about Delium. [14] It appears that I have, as always, more thinking to do about what I want to stage on my tabletop and what I want from that effort. It appears, obviously, that I have many more decisions to make.




Notes

1. On page 171 of Chapter 3 in Ripples of Battle: How the Wars of the Past Still Determine How We Fight, How We Live, and How We Think, Professor Victor Davis Hanson comments that Delium was “a gory nonevent.” He continues, at the bottom of page 171 and top of 172, remarking that not a whole lot of people know about the battle. Then on page 174, Professor Hanson explains the significance of this little known but important engagement: 


Yet what went on for about an hour or so in that nondescript plain changed the life of 

ancient Greece and the nature of European civilization itself—a Euripidean tragedy 

inspired, Socratic philosophy preserved and altered, an artistic renaissance launched, a 

community nearly erased, a monster at Athens spawned, and Western infantry tactics 

themselves created. The ripples of Delium have lapped even upon us, the unsuspecting, 

nearly twenty-five hundred years later—in ways that we can scarcely imagine. 


2. My guess is that most if not all of these names will be familiar to members of TMP who have an acute interest in the ancient and medieval periods. Most of them have blogs, websites, or companies that cater to the hobby. Most have had articles, containing gorgeous and stunning colour photos, written about them or by them in various hobby publications. A few of them have published rulebooks. It is not my intention to appear obsequious or sycophantic, but I would suggest that these gentlemen (along with many others I have not mentioned) are the recognized and admired celebrities, drivers, even giants of the hobby of historical miniature wargaming. In my opinion, a demonstration game of Delium would also be an excellent teaching tool for an advanced level history course. 

3. Two versions of the narrative provided by Thucydides were read, studied, and annotated. My focus was on Chapters 90-96 of Book IV. The first translation was found here: https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/History_of_the_Peloponnesian_War/Book_4. The second translation was found here: http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.01.0247%3Abook%3D4%3Achapter%3D93. It was interesting to note the differences, sometimes very slight but still significant I think, in the wording of each. For this project, I decided to rely on the second translation. The translation of the very brief account written by Diodorus was found here: http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Diodorus_Siculus/12D*.html#69. It was, it goes without saying, quite interesting to compare and contrast his version of events with the narrative provided by Thucydides. 

4. I was quite relieved to find that my rough calculations for the approximate frontage of the Athenian army at Delium nearly matched the figure arrived at by Professor Sabin. (Allowing for gaps or intervals between various contingents of hoplites, I guesstimated a frontage of roughly 1,100 yards.) Professor Sabin does not allow for gaps or intervals and determined a frontage of approximately 900 metres. If the narrative of Thucydides is accepted, then it appears quite evident that the Boeotians were overlapped by the Athenian phalanx(es) on either one flank or both. If one also accepts the estimation made by Professor Hanson [the first sentence of Chapter 3 asks the reader to: “Imagine a rolling plain of dry grain stubble, extending for not more than a mile before being cut off by ditches on both sides.” (171)], then simple math would argue that there was additional sufficient space for the deployment of at least some auxiliary formations at Delium. 

5. Figure 10, provided by Professor Sabin, is similar to the colour map found here: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_Delium. The black and white, three-part diagram accompanying Professor Hanson’s analysis and interpretation of Delium does not show the hill mentioned by Thucydides, but does illustrate the ravines which framed the ancient field. In the 15 pages of coverage he provides in this chapter, he calls the impassable terrain bordering the battlefield ditches, gullies, and ravines. In my solo wargaming mind, I can see how these types of terrain would be extremely problematic, especially to formed units such as a phalanx of heavy infantry, but I also consider these various descriptions to differ in size and depth. I am also of the opinion (also subject to correction and or revision) that skirmishers, light troops, and perhaps even light cavalry would be able to negotiate such obstacles. On page 174, he offers: “The ancient site is probably near the lovely modern hamlet of Dilesi, once rolling hills of grain fields by the Euboean Sea.” In a discussion following the post of my “Arab Conquest vs Early Byzantines” Battle Report, Society member Richard Taylor contributed the following: 


The current best guess for the location  of Delium is here. This is looking down the slope 

down which the Boeotians advanced - the cavalry hiding 'hill' is presumably over to the 

right. Note the ground cover - olive groves aplenty. If it wasn't covered in olive groves at 

that date, the natural ground cover is if anything even harder going such as this).


6. Years ago, I used to run 5 and 10k races. With proper training and diet, I gained some proficiency and even placed in my age group once in a while. I dressed in running shoes, shorts, and a T-shirt. (Races held during the winter months saw me clothed in the proper gear. Anyway.) I was not wearing the kit of a ancient Greek hoplite. According to Professor Hanson, the weapons carried and armour worn by these soldiers could weigh up to 60 pounds. (Ripples of Battle, 171) I recall reading somewhere about experiments with similar kit that disproved the hoplite advance and attack at Marathon. Admittedly, the distances between the opposing lines at Delium were probably not significant, but hoplites running would seem to go against the order, security, and relative safety provided by a formed phalanx. Coincidentally, the discussion thread on ‘Holding the Line’, started on 07 September by Society member Anthony Clipsom, included a response from the prolific and perspicacious Patrick Waterson (sadly, no longer with us), wherein I learned that, “Athenians and Argives typically attacked at the run.” Now we just have to arrive at an accepted definition of “run.” At the risk of extending this note, in my first official attempt at Delium using Tactica II, I drafted a special rule that had each Athenian unit test to see if it was caught “unprepared” for battle. A series of poor die rolls put several units of hoplites at a disadvantage, and this initial “wrong footedness” had something of an impact on the course of the wargame. Please feel free to read Reply #1306, posted to the ‘What was the last game you played?’ forum on 06 September 2019. In my opinion, the subsequent discussion between Society members Patrick Waterson and Simon Watson is much more interesting and thought-provoking than the original post. 

7. Professor Hanson offers an informative as well as fairly graphic description of this chaos from the bottom of page 180 to the middle of page 182. It would be interesting to find out if there are other recorded examples of “friendly fire,” for lack of a better term, across the 4,500 years of ancient and medieval history covered by The Society of Ancients. Perhaps this could be the subject for a future article, if it has not already been researched, written, submitted for consideration, and or published.

8. In Reply #8 to my “Arab Conquest vs Early Byzantines” Battle Report post, Society member Patrick Waterson offered the following constructive comments:


A circumstance like this is quite hard to model in most rules systems (at least those I 

know), and quite unfair to force upon a player who knows better.  The event might be 

achievable under WRG 6th, because if the Theban cavalry managed to get on or behind 

the Athenian right flank (not hard if the latter is wrapping up the Boeotian centre) and 

launched a charge, they might cause a very bad reaction result by the right-most 

Athenian unit, causing the next one to test, and if it also got a very bad result the 

cumulative penalty for routed units would make the rest of the line likely to break. 

The probability is really low, but it could happen, and if it did it would be the result of the 

standard rules and not a deliberate fix.


To be certain, this had nothing to do with the Battle Report. In a response to other comments posted by other members, I mentioned something about Delium, and well, the discussion took an interesting turn, as they often do. 

9. Again, on page 171, after a rather descriptive paragraph, Professor Hanson states: “The battle of Delium is just that—a gory nonevent.”

10. The depth of the model Theban phalanx was unrealistic due to the stated dimensions of the bases used for 15 mm miniatures. There were six stands in this formation. Each stand of heavy infantry had a depth of 3 cm, so the entire formation was 18 cm deep. The frontage of the IMPETVS bases used in this scenario were a uniform 8 cm. So, two units of Athenians could have combined to hit the open or exposed flank of the Theban formation. 

11. There are exceptions to this “rule,” of course. My recent investigation and attempt to reconstruct a small but key portion of the battle of Taginae springs to mind. Please see Issue 321 of Slingshot. I imagine that there are other examples of which I am not aware. I defer to the broader and deeper knowledge of Duncan Head, other Society members who are well read, and to equally well read members of TMP.

12. In Ripples of Battle, at the top of page 172, Professor Hanson remarks: “After all, not more than a few thousand out of some 300 million Americans know what or where Delium is.” His book was published in 2003. I readily admit to being an ignorant member of that larger camp. Moving forward to the latter months of 2019 and increasing the population sample to include England, Wales, Scotland, Ireland, and portions of the European continent, I would hazard to guess that a similarly small percentage of the population knows anything of Delium. I am quite certain, however, that if the population subset is restricted to members of The Society of Ancients, readers of Slingshot, and ancient wargamers in general, then the percentage of those who have some knowledge of Delium will be substantially larger. 

13. SPEARS are defined as: “representing all close formation infantry fighting with spears in a rigid shield wall.” (DBM, 6) Hoplites are found in all three categories, and can be classed or rated as Superior (S), Ordinary (O), or Inferior (I).

14. In addition to the usual concerns about modeling terrain and depicting the troops involved, I wondered why anything about or on Delium had never been published in the pages of Slingshot. On September 10 of 2019, I checked the Slingshot Index (1964-2010). My search words were “Delium,” “Pagondas,” and “Hippocrates.” No matches or results were found. Is this lack of coverage due to the difficulty in sorting out the differences between the narrative descriptions offered by Thucydides and Diodorus? Is it more on account of a general lack of interest, stemming from the fact - or assumption - that Delium is not important, is just another hoplite battle? Is it a result of the challenges of writing scenario rules to cover friendly troops attacking each other and hoplites being terrified by the sudden appearance of light cavalry? Is it a combination of these things along with variables that I have not defined? 

Sunday, July 18, 2021

 A TACTICA II TRIPLE PLAY




In May of 2019, I finished editing a comparatively lengthy article (approximately 8,000 words along with 10 diagrams) wherein I described my limited experience with Arty Conliffe’s newest rules, Tactica II. In addition to providing detailed summaries of several educational, albeit lacking in fuller context exercises, I presumed to suggest a number of amendments to these thoroughly play tested rules. Unfortunately as well as disappointingly, the finished article was not accepted by the sitting editor of Slingshot, The Journal of The Society of Ancients. Personally, I think it would have been a nice addition or perhaps contrasting point of view to the excellent material provided by Paul Innes and Simon Watson, two gentlemen who wrote at length about their own years-long experience with and enjoyment of Tactica II. However, an editor always knows best, right? As it is sometimes said or rationalized: “It’s water under the bridge,” or “That’s history. Time to move on.” Unfortunately, due to an annoying lack of focus, I never followed up on these rule amendments or variations. I never produced narratives or reports wherein I employed, tested, and critiqued my own suggestions. More water under that figurative bridge, I suppose.


Fast-forwarding a couple of years, “Tactica II: Testing and Tinkering” was published to my blog in June of 2021. It generated a little conversation and some commentary, most of this discussion taking place on the rules forum of The Society of Ancients website. (There was no similar conversation over on the Ancients Discussion Board at TMP.) My interest rekindled by this chain of events, I decided to revisit Tactica II. Oddly enough, even though it would have been the logical course of action, however delayed, my goal was not to test the previously drafted amendments and variations. The new plan was to attempt something fairly large as well as long-term, so that I could distract myself (rightly or wrongly, successfully or not) from more pressing as well as distressing concerns and matters. The plan, as informed by the alliterative title, was to stage three battles on my tabletop using the Tactica II rules. 


The “Big Picture”

Reviewing the historical selections in the small army list catalog provided in the spiral-bound set of rules, I decided to stage the following matches: Ptolemaic vs Seleucid, Roman (2nd Punic War) vs Carthaginian (2nd Punic War), and Arab (Conquest) vs Byzantine. [Note: This last selection or pairing was changed, for a number of reasons, to an earlier contest wherein Alexander would face off against a Persian host.] As July was almost upon me and as I did not know what the future might hold (who really does?), I also decided to allow myself at least six months, if not longer, to complete these three historical contests. Being a fan of large engagements, I set a minimum point value of 4,000 for each army. Ideally, the opposing forces would be fairly similar in terms of total points. Initially, I thought about adopting or adapting an ancient battlefield for use throughout this new set of educational exercises. For example, I could have taken Cannae (216 BC) or Pharsalus (48 BC), as presented in the pages of Warfare in the Classical World, or I could have borrowed a landscape used for one of the previous 17 Battle Day events. [Please see https://www.soa.org.uk/joomla/battle-day.] However, in order to gain more experience with Tactica II, I decided to use the terrain rules as written, especially the placement procedures outlined in Section 11.1 on page 51. In order to avoid fatiguing or offending the reader with three long battle reports, I will strive to keep each narrative under 1,200 words in length. (I will also try to vary the sentence length as it has been remarked that, sometimes, I have a tendency to type rather lengthy sentences.) I have not decided, at least at this point, if I will incorporate pictures of the proposed engagements. While I understand that this is a visual hobby and spectacular-looking miniatures and splendid model terrain are the traditional raisons d’etre of the pursuit and often drive as well as compliment the reports published in physical magazines as well as myriad blogs, there are many different ways to engage in and be entertained by the wonderful hobby of historical wargaming. My particular approach, as I have often explained, tends to be less aesthetically pleasing but more functional and focused on the wargame, the rules, and the history, as opposed to “the look.”  


A Struggle Between Successors

Over the long July 4 weekend, I set up my table for this first clash. The terrain was very simple: each army opted for just one roll and wound up placing a gentle rise forward of their respective center-right deployment area. With regard to opposing deployments, each army chose to arrange their forces in a “fairly traditional” way. (The phrase is in quotes, as I am sure some readers will disagree.) The Seleucids occupied the near table edge and positioned their good cavalry on the right wing. The Agema and army commander were placed here as well. Moving left down the long battle line, the Argyraspides and “veteran” phalanxes were deployed. The center consisted of units of Greco-Bactrians and Levy/Arabs. These formations were screened by scythed chariots and an impressive collection of elephants (the Indian variety). There were also clouds of skirmishers in this sector. A group of Galatians was placed on the left. Further to the left, there were some heavy cavalry (Greek Militia) along with a contingent of camels and various light cavalry (Scythians and Bactrians). Based on my calculations, this army added up to 5,149 points and contained 735 massed unit “figures.”


The Ptolemaics occupied the far edge of my 10.5 by 3.75 feet tabletop. While not an exact mirror-image of the Seleucid deployment, it was fairly similar. The good cavalry was positioned on the right wing. These troopers were accompanied by the Agema and the army commander. This wing was screened by a small number of light cavalry and four elephant “models,” The infantry were next, and these were arranged in order from better to not-so-good. The Macedonian phalanx was left alone; the Egyptian formations were shielded by all of the elephants (African types) and most of the skirmishers. Galatians and peltasts were drawn up on the left of this equally long line. The left wing was a mixture of cavalry and camels. There was another smaller unit of Agema present on this wing. There was also an elephant screen of three “models.” The point value of this Ptolemaic army was just over 5,000. There were 768 massed unit “figures” present. 


Picture 1 - Taken from above the Seleucid right and Ptolemaic left, showing the approximate length of the fictional battlefield. The Seleucids have screened their center with a herd of elephants, a cloud of skirmishers, and a small number of scythed chariots. The Ptolemaic center is not a well screened. 



How It Played - 

First blood of the day was spilled on the Seleucid left wing, when an exchange of arrows and javelins between opposing lines of skirmishing light cavalry saw men from both sides fall. This exchange was a prelude to an extended and swirling cavalry combat in this sector. The Ptolemaic elephant screen lumbered into a large unit of camels, and the supporting heavy cavalry kept their distance due to the smell and noise that resulted. Eventually, the elephants were able to defeat the camel riding troops and the Ptolemaic horse swept forward, chasing the Scythians and Bactrians away. Surprisingly, this advance was met and then quickly defeated by the Greek heavy cavalry stationed as a kind of reserve. Just to the right of this action, from the Ptolemaic point of view, their superior phalanx and supporting formations were ripping into the Galatian units. As it turned out though, this would be the one bright spot in a rather dismal day for the Ptolemaic army. 


Picture 2 - Taken from above the Ptolemaic right and Seleucid left, showing the armies advancing. In the immediate foreground, the elephant screen is being peppered by arrows from the skirmishing Bactrians and Scythians. 



In the center of the field, the opposing lines of skirmishers did not really get a chance to test their collective mettle, as a formation of scythed chariots dashed forward and was countered by an equal number of African elephants. Being disordered by the elephants, the chariots did not fare well and were soon destroyed or careening back towards their own lines. In other parts of the center of the large field, the Seleucid elephants managed to do some damage to the enemy phalanx and even more damage to the Egyptian formations. As the various contests developed, the elephants of both sides found themselves wounded or killed by opposing blocks of pikemen and more flexible lines of peltasts hurling javelins. The comparatively brittle morale of the Egyptian pike blocks did not hold up to rampaging friendly elephants, and by the sixth turn of the contest, the Ptolemaic center was a shadow of its former self. 


Picture 3 - A closer look at the developing action on the Seleucid left wing, where opposing lines of skirmishing cavalry and an elephant screen were rather quickly engaged in a running or lumbering fight.



Picture 4 - The initial clash over the gentle rise on the Seleucid center-right. The Argyraspides and their neighbors made short work of the enemy peltasts and then started dealing out punishment to the supporting Galatian warriors. Note: The red markers indicate current casualties/losses, while the stars indicate the breaking point of the particular unit. 



Over on the Seleucid right and center-right, their formations were eventually victorious or at least in a very good position to completely turn the Ptolemaic left flank. The cavalry action was somewhat slow to start as the Ptolemaic high command had positioned another disturbing elephant screen in this sector. The Seleucid horse tried to work their way around this screen but experienced some command and control issues, so the fighting had to be done face-to-face instead of from a flank. While the opposing lines of cavalry were jockeying for a better position (which was hard to do considering the presence of the pachyderms, some camels, and a lack of space), the veteran phalanx of the Seleucid army advanced against some hired Galatian warriors. To their credit, the Galatians fought bravely, even after becoming disordered and after watching neighboring formations collapse and flee. In the final analysis, however, they could not stand against the deeper formed, more experienced, and better trained enemy pikemen. 


Picture 5 - The Ptolemaic left is in trouble. The elephant screen is taking losses in a melee against Seleucid heavy cavalry, and the supporting camels have been engaged. A small unit of Agema is preparing to join in the contest, while the surviving and disordered Galatians prepare to face the Argyraspides.



Picture 6 - The left side of the Ptolemaic center, showing their massed elephants about to engage the opposing Greco-Bactrians and peltasts. The African elephants would not do well and would cause problems for the Egyptian units waiting in reserve. 



Picture 7 - A close up as well as top-down view of the prolonged combat between the Ptolemaic elephant screen (on their far right) versus a large camel unit fighting for the Seleucids. 



Picture 8 - Taken from behind the Greek Militia cavalry on the Seleucid left wing. These troops did not get into the battle until relatively late, but when they did, the dice rolled in their favor and they swept away all the Ptolemaic cavalry units arranged against them. 



Ironically but not unexpectedly, both sides had essentially won on their right. The center of the field, due to the number of formed units available, belonged to the Seleucids. A comparison of casualty figures (this calculation made at the end of Turn 6) informed that the day belonged to the Seleucids. They had lost 192 figures compared to the 273 figures lost by the Ptolemaics. This gave the Seleucids a 20 percentage point advantage or cushion in the “race” to each army’s breaking point. Given the state of the tabletop, it seemed justifiable to call the large and fictional contest for the Seleucids. 


Evaluation

The critical reader as well as more experienced Tactica II player will no doubt find several errors or questionable items in the preceding narrative summary. It goes without saying that traditional historical miniature wargamers will probably raise their eyebrows or turn up their noses at my approach. On reflection and review, I grant that this was probably too large of a scenario to introduce or reintroduce myself to the Tactica II rules. That admission made, I think, even though the wargame was halted at the end of half-a-dozen turns, that the battle was fairly historical in its outcome. As both sides had deployed their forces with their better troops on the right of their respective lines, both sides won in that sector of the field. The center, as related above, was won by the Seleucids after both sides committed and then lost their elephants and scythed chariots. The after effect of these melees caused more disorder in the Ptolemaic ranks than in the Seleucid, so the latter had a better grip of things in the center of the field. 


Some readers, experienced with Tactica II or not, may take issue or object to the fact that I did not play until one side was truly broken, at least according to the rules. This is a fair point, but perhaps not a very strong argument. Reviewing the state of the table (I have yet to dismantle the wargame), I count 10 units in the Ptolemaic left and center. Two of these are single “model” elephants screens, and 4 of the 10 units are disordered. In stark contrast, the Seleucids have 14 units available to them. While not a commanding lead in terms of numbers, the Seleucids do have plenty of good heavy cavalry remaining and they do have an abundance of powerful pike formations. In fact,  second examination of the table behind me informs that both units of Greco-Bactrians and both units of the veteran pikemen (as opposed to the Argyraspides) have no Ptolemaic units to their front. In other words, there is a rather substantial hole in the Ptolemaic line of battle. There is no comparable gap or tear in the Seleucid line. Based on this situation or condition, it seems to me that a sensible Ptolemaic commander would save what he could and live to fight another day. A less conservative commander or player-general might try to “snatch victory from the jaws of defeat,” but this impresses as “gamey.” The Ptolemaic left wing is under great pressure; there is a huge hole in the line, and the remaining Egyptian troops in the center are fragmented. 


Regarding actual play and understanding of the rules, as each turn developed I would stop, briefly, after each sub-phase and type notes as well as sometimes consult the rulebook to make sure I understood situations like who could evade, or if a unit could shoot arrows or javelins at an enemy formation if even a tiny section of that enemy unit was engaged in melee, etc. To be certain, there were still mistakes made, but I do not think these rule bloopers or gaffes resulted in a disappointing or even unfair wargame. 


Having a Go at Hannibal

For this fictional engagement, I built a Roman army containing 6 legions in addition to some allied formations as well as some cavalry. Due to previous losses, one-third of the legionaries were fresh from their training camps and so, were rated as Militia Grade instead of Veterans. 

Even though I had assembled 6 legions, I was well under my stated point total. The Roman commander (the Consul Crissus Introverticus) had 3,100 points of troops under his direction. When 217 figures from massed units were lost, then they day and field would be lost as well. 


The Carthaginian commander (the more clever and more experienced Hanno was present; there were rumors about Hannibal showing up at some point) led a polyglot force. He had Africans, Citizen Hoplites, Spanish, and Allies. There were large numbers of Celts as well. He had a good mix of horse, both light and battle cavalry. There were also a handful of elephants, though these were the smaller variety and did not carry towers stuffed with archers.  


Both sides decided to throw twice for terrain determination. Even though both sides would have appreciated a patch of woods or a steep hill behind which an ambush could have been set, 3 of the throws produced a gentle rise (not as part of a ridge), and the last throw resulted in a stretch of open ground/clear terrain. Terrain feature dimensions are described on the bottom left corner of page 52 in the rulebook. As I was employing modified 15mm scale units, each gentle rise should have measured no more than 4 inches on a side. However, I keyed in on the following sentence, which read: “But providing the pieces don’t unfairly dominate the battlefield, Terrain sizes are flexible.” These slight elevations were positioned in the approximate center of my 6.5 feet by 3.75 feet table. 


Deployments - 

The Romans were arranged in a traditional or typical manner. There were cavalry on the flanks (Roman horse on the right and allied squadrons on the left) and infantry in the center. The legions formed a fairly deep and flexible block of heavy infantry, what with the Hastati supported by the Principes, and the Principes supported by the Triarii. A contingent of allied foot held the left flank. 


The Carthaginians also arranged their army with cavalry on the wings. A cloud of Numidians hovered on the left flank. These nimble horsemen were reinforced by a small screen of elephants. The heavy cavalry (Spanish, Celts, and some Carthaginian troopers) were over on the right wing. Two groups of Celts were drawn up on the interior flanks. These fierce warriors were joined by a collection of skirmishers that screened the African infantry positioned in the center of the line. On the left, a “division” of Spanish infantry supported the Celts. On the right, a “division” of allied foot, along with a few more elephants, supported the barbarians. 


Picture 9 - Taken from above the Roman right and Carthaginian left, looking down the tabletop. The multi-line deployment of the six Roman legions can be seen on the left of the photo; the Carthaginian formations are on the right. The three gentle rises (simple yet functional) are shown in the middle of the field.





Picture 10 - From above and behind the Roman line, showing better detail of the legions in battle formation. Velites screen the Hastati, who are supported by Principes, who are supported by Triarii, if the need arises.



How It Played - 

As the opposing armies were deployed 4 bow shots apart (60 scale inches), the focus of the first several turns of the contest was on moving. The Carthaginians appeared to have flanking in mind, as they concentrated on their cavalry and the two groups of Celts. The main line of infantry only started forward on the third turn. On the Roman side of the field, movement was limited to their cavalry wings as well. The allied foot on the left advanced steadily; the legions, all six of them, remained motionless. 


Barbarian and Spanish cavalry were soon embroiled in melee with the Allied horse on the Roman left. This swirling and vicious contest soon saw the destruction and rout of 3 units. The Carthaginians had the advantage, as 2 of these units were fighting for the Roman side. Neither side could control their squadrons; all the winning troopers pursued their vanquished foe. The Allied formation on the right came within a hair of carrying on into an advancing warband of Celts. One cavalry melee continued; the Spanish were winning.  


Picture 11 - The initial cavalry contest of the battle, over on the Carthaginian right, where their heavy cavalry mixed it up with the Roman allies. Spoiler Alert: The allied cavalry formations did not last very long. 



Picture 12 - A top-down look at the charge of some Celts into the Italian Allies. This action took place just to the right (from the Roman point of view) of the clash of cavalry shown in Picture 11. Two of the Celt warbands have impetus against the allied foot, and many casualties are being inflicted on both sides of the melee.



Over on the Carthaginian left wing, Numidian skirmishing cavalry paid a price for galloping too close to the heavier Roman horse. The rest of the skirmishers decided to withdraw and the formed units of Numidians decided to see how the small elephant screen did. The pachyderms, though few in number, lumbered into the center of the Roman line and started unseating riders right and left. It was a one-side contest until the Roman unit on the right of the chaotic combat managed to inflict some damage on the smelly and odd-looking animals. 


Picture 13 - The interesting situation over on the Roman right, where they faced an elephant screen and plenty of Numidian light horse. This photo shows contact has been made between the elephants and the Roman cavalry. The Numidian skirmishers have withdrawn behind their formed supporting units. 



Picture 14 - A close-up of the general melee described in Picture 12. Here, the one warband without impetus (double the normal amount of dice thrown) has managed to do pretty well anyway, scoring 9 hits or kills. The Italian allies have not done terribly, managing to inflict 6 hits of kills on the barbarians.



By the end of Turn 8, the “arrow of fortune” was not pointing toward the Roman side of the field. After a lengthy contest with an elephant screen on their right flank, only half of the Roman horse remained, and these units were out of command range. The Roman right faced a large number of Numidian cavalry as well as a curious warband of Celts that had wheeled away from its parent formation. Over on the opposite flank, the last unit of Allied cavalry had been caught in the flank by a unit of enemy horse and attacked from the front by a formation of elephants. Needless to say, the melee did not last long. The Carthaginian horse could not fully exploit this advantage however, as they were a bit disorganized and slow in changing direction so that they could angle for the flank of the distant legions. The contest between the Celts and the Allied foot was savage. Two units of Allied infantry were disordered, and one of these was very near its breaking point. Another unit had been broken. The Celts had lost a unit as well. A second unit, though severely depleted, continued to fight on by some miracle (a passed Fates Test). The last unit in this barbarian formation was disordered by the collapse of its neighbor. The Carthaginians held the advantage in this sector though, as the Celts had reinforcements - including elephants - coming up. The Roman allies had no support whatsoever. 


Picture 15 - On the other side of the field, the other group of Celts is approaching the Roman legionaries. The skirmishers screening the warbands have taken quite a few losses, and one unit has been halted by a effective javelin volley from some Velites. The separated warband is attempting to assist in the Numidian standoff.



Picture 16 - Developments on the Roman left, after the destruction of the Allied cavalry. The various units of Carthaginian horse are working their way around this side of the Roman line. The Italian allies and Celts continue to struggle; the melee is starting to lean toward the barbarians.



At the conclusion of Turn 11, the Roman position was deemed untenable. Their remaining cavalry on the right wing had finally succumbed to the more numerous Numidians. To be certain, the Roman horse took a number of enemy with them, but after a couple of turns of melee, the Roman right was completely open. The Numidian light cavalry would have no obstacles to galloping around the Roman right and into their rear.


Picture 17 - A close-up showing actual contact between a Celt warband and a unit of Hastati from Legion IV. The pre-melee pila volley did some damage, and the effective use of short sword and shield did even more against the hard-charging Celts. Again, even without gaining impetus, the barbarians scored 8 kills on the unfortunate Hastati.



The Roman left was in a similar condition. The heavy Carthaginian horse continued to move, however disjointedly, towards the left flank of the legion’s position. The Principes and Triarii of these outer formations began to wheel to meet the threat. The Hastati were left to face the 4 units of Africans and Citizen spearmen approaching at a steady pace. On the gentle rise over on the Roman left, the Carthaginian allies were occupied with eliminating the last unit of Roman allied foot. 


In the center of the field, the Hastati of a few legions had survived the charge of some fierce-looking Celts. The pila volleys and short sword work cut the barbarians down in droves. Their ranks were reinforced faster than the heavy infantry, and one unit of Hastati on the left found itself overwhelmed so had to withdraw, the survivors assisting the wounded who could walk. Losses for both sides were calculated, and it was determined that the Romans were just 23 figures away from reaching their morale breaking point. In contrast, the Carthaginians were well over 100 figures away from reaching their “critical mass.” Based on the current state of the Roman position, a rather one-sided victory was called in favor of the Carthaginians. 


Evaluation

This fictional contest appeared fairly historical. The Romans lost on the flanks when their cavalry wings were defeated by the polyglot formations of the Carthaginians. The Celts were essentially sacrificed to damage and exhaust the Roman infantry, softening the legionaries up for the supporting formations. With the exception of the combat on the Roman left between two opposing groups of allies, the heavy infantry of each side did not meet. With the exception of a few melees involving some Hastati, the legions did not really become involved in the battle. The same can be said for the Spanish and African contingents. To reiterate, the main lines of infantry did not need to meet in the center and decide the issue; the battle had been decided on the flanks. The battle had been decided in favor of the Carthaginians. 


It seems safe to conclude then, that most everything went right for the Carthaginians and very little went right for the Romans. At the risk of sounding cavalier, the action on the wings seemed like a “coin toss.” These sectors could just as easily have gone to the Romans. Indeed, even with the assistance of the elephant screen, the Numidians had some difficulty in handling the Roman horse on this side of the field. This concern was why a warband of Celts was diverted to assist but never arrived in time to participate in the final melee. 


The Roman plan seemed reasonable and solid, even if it did rely too much on the cavalry wings. Nearly every turn, there was an internal argument over whether or not the legions should advance and “take the fight to the enemy,” instead of just remaining in place. The conservative side of the acting consul won and so saved the legions from a severe mauling. If a general advance had been made and the cavalry wings had been lost, then the Roman heavy infantry would have found themselves hemmed in on three sides, possibly four, and fighting for their collective lives. The recently ended action allowed the Roman consul to withdraw with his legions intact. He and his men would live to fight another day and perhaps exact revenge against the ad-hoc army of barbarians. 


Cardaces and Companions

For the third and final scenario of this exercise, I decided to stage a contest between Alexander and Darius, two historical figures who, I suspect, do not need an introduction. I also decided to forgo the terrain determination phase or process, as I was not having much luck with it and I figured that perhaps this fictional battle would be a kind of precursor or practice for Gaugamela. In that respect, my tabletop was completely flat and featureless. There would be no hazards or obstacles for Alexander’s phalanx or Companions; there would be no hazards or obstacles for the large numbers of Persian cavalry. 


With regards to numbers and points, it appears, unfortunately, that I am not keeping my “promise” about having at least 4,000 points per side. A calculation of the Persian formations informed that Darius mustered 551 figures in a variety of massed units, adding up to 2,817 points. In contrast, Alexander brought 3,378 points and an even 500 figures to this imaginary battle. 


With regards to opposing deployments, the Persians drew up on the near side of my table (adjusted to 6.5 feet by 3.75 feet) placing cavalry on the flanks and infantry in the center. The better quality horse were on the right. Darius was in this sector too, behind a large unit of Guard cavalry. Three units of Scythians screened the heavier regiments. A handful of paid hoplites were next in line. This formation included a unit of Apple Bearer Guards. To their left was a “division” of Cardaces, Takabara, and peltasts. Both lines were screened by skirmishers. The Persian left consisted of 5 units of Colonist heavy cavalry screened by 5 units of Persian light cavalry. 


Alexander’s Companions, along with the great man himself, were positioned on the right, behind a screen of light cavalry. Hypaspists and phalangites formed the Macedonian center, and it was quite an imposing one, to be certain. Three units of peltasts and a long line of skirmishers screened these two heavy infantry and heavy-hitting formations. The left wing was assigned to a mix of Greek and Thessalian cavalry. 


How It Played - 

Once again, the opposing forces were arranged approximately 4 bow shots (60 scale inches) apart. Once again, the majority of the first few turns were spent moving the formations of each side as opposed to resolving missile fire and melees. 


First blood was scored by the Scythians against the Macedonian/Greek left, as numerous arrow volleys found their targets. Instead of breaking off and letting the “big boys” (i.e., the heavy cavalry of each side) get involved, the light cavalry of each side engaged in close combat. Even though the Scythians fought stubbornly, they were soon overwhelmed and routed. The supporting Persian cavalry was not disordered by this development; they moved forward and engaged the “tired” Greeks. This melee between the heavier units of each side went back and forth for quite some time. Eventually, the Persians prevailed, though at some cost. While the Persian Guard cavalry was not involved (they were over on the interior left of the action), they did consider advancing to threaten the flank or rear of the Macedonian phalanx. However, due to command limitations, they were not able to do this. Further out to the right, a unit of Medes finally caught up with some evading Prodromoi and after a sharp contest, were able to rout this annoying unit of Greek light cavalry. 


Picture 18 - A close-up showing the developing action on the Macedonian right/Persian left. The light cavalry of each side exchanged javelin volleys before engaging in melee. Alexander and his Companions wait their turn. 



Picture 19 - On the opposite flank, the Scythians are about to be routed by the Prodromoi. The Greek heavy horse has been wounded by previous flights of Scythian arrows. There are six (6) units of Persian heavy cavalry moving forward to join the fight.



A similar clash took place over on the other flank. Both sides advanced with their light cavalry and both sides hurled javelins prior to engaging in hand-to-hand. The more numerous Persian cavalry gained the advantage, but this was reversed once Alexander released his Companions. The local Persian commander countered by ordering his Colonist regiments into the action. The swirling melee went back and forth; the experienced Companions doing great damage to the militia grade Persians. At the same time, the large numbers of Persians were able to land a few body blows of their own in this fight. When the battle was halted, 2 units of Companions had been destroyed and 1 was very near to breaking. Most of the Persian light cavalry had been eliminated and two-thirds of their heavy horse had been routed. Another two-thirds was close to quitting the field. 


In the center of the field, not a lot happened until the Macedonians had marched most of the way across the plain. A sharp contest between opposing lines of skirmishers saw casualties on both sides. This scrap was soon replaced by a fight between opposing units of formed light infantry. Being deployed ahead of and on the right of the phalanx, the Hypaspists were the next formation to see action. They slammed into enemy Takabara and Cardaces. A series of very poor die rolls saw the Persian line disintegrate, and in a matter of minutes, there was a gaping hole on the Persian center-left. 


Picture 20 - Taken from behind the Macedonian center. The screen of peltasts has made contact with the Persian Takabara and Cardaces. The pike phalanx waits behind this combat; the Hypaspists are off to the lower right and will play a big part in destroying a large portion of the Persian line.




Picture 21 - Taken from behind the Persian center a couple of turns later. One unit of Cardaces remains, albeit disordered from friends breaking on both sides. The Macedonian light infantry remains, even if rather bloodied by the previous melees. The phalanx (several units of it anyway) can be seen waiting behind the light infantry.




Picture 22 - Very late in the engagement, over on the Macedonian right/Persian left. The Companions have been much reduced, as have the Persian Colonist heavy cavalry. Alexander has not been involved in any of the fighting, though he is rather close to enemy formations. (The black die showing a 4 indicates the move option adjustment that the Macedonians will suffer on the following turn.) 




Picture 23 - On the opposite flank, this photo shows the state of things on the Persian right when the game was halted. All of the Greek horse have been eliminated. The Persian heavy cavalry have taken some losses, but they remain a rather powerful force. The Persian commander is in this sector as well. The big question, unanswered but much discussed, was how or if the Persian horse could swing around the Macedonian left and possibly attack the phalanx from the rear. 



At the end of 10 turns of play (each side had won the move option 5 times), an accounting was done and a survey of the status of the field was made. The Persians had suffered 220 losses (out of an available 275) compared to the Macedonian casualties of 140 (out of a limit of 250). While the numbers favored Alexander, the status of the field cast some doubt on this position. His left flank was gone. Approximately half a dozen Persian cavalry units posed a threat to the flank and or rear of his phalanx. The question was when these enemy formations would be able to form up and launch this attack. His right flank, where the great man himself was stationed, was not in very good condition. Alexander had one fresh unit of Companions available; a second unit of heavy cavalry was in poor condition. There were a few units of enemy cavalry (many of these were also on their last legs) out on the flank of Alexander’s position. In the center, the only viable Persian force was a group of paid hoplites along with a unit of Apple Bearers. These men faced a probable engagement with several units of pikemen. There was also the potential of the Hypaspists wheeling left and threatening the hoplites from the flank. 


Based on a review of the numbers and on the supposition that the Persian heavy cavalry could not form up and launch an effective attack in sufficient time, the battle was awarded to the Macedonians. 


Evaluation

I confess to being of mixed opinions about this third and final play using the Tactica II rules. While I was pleased to see that the Companions and Hypaspists were able to get involved, I was a little disappointed with the performance of Alexander’s cavalry. I was also disappointed that Alexander did not get personally involved. Then again, as half of his Companions were routed, perhaps it was for the best that Alexander stayed out of the melee(s). 


I liked the overall look of the battle/wargame, even if it was free of terrain features and 15 or 28 mm miniatures were absent. I could appreciate the local victory of the Persian cavalry on their right, but was frustrated by the difficulty of engineering a sweeping move around an exposed Macedonian flank. I confess that I was also frustrated by the command limitations experienced over on this flank. It struck me as odd that an evading unit would have to be within command range to keep evading an enemy or perceived threat. I would have figured that an object or formation set in motion would remain in motion, but perhaps my very basic understanding of physics does not apply (or should not be applied) to events taking place on my wargames table. 


Disappointment reared its recognizable head again in that I was not able to finish, or decided against finishing the wargame as originally intended. With a gaping hole in the Persian center-left, with the complete obliteration of the Macedonian left flank, and given the weak status of both sides on the Persian left, I wondered how long or even if each army would continue the battle. At the risk of getting into the consideration of a detail that probably belongs in the next section, I wondered how tired various formations would have been after fighting for so long, and how this condition or unit status would have impacted their future performance. 


Assessment

As the plans for this project were drafted, revised, and then confirmed, the estimation was that this would be a long-term project. Oddly enough (or perhaps I should type typically enough), I was quite a bit off in this guess. In actuality, these three wargames were completed in the space of a month. Additional review informed that I was mistaken with regard to the sizes of these fictional engagements. The initial scenario was the biggest battle staged. The Carthaginian v. Romans clash was the second largest, which leaves Alexander’s effort against the Persians (both sides mustered a point total that was less than the desired 4,000) as the smallest engagement. Despite the progressive reduction in points, the second and third battles still filled the available playing space and still provided for a level of engagement and entertainment. Readers who are still with me at this point might wonder if I achieved the stated goal regarding narrative length. I am pleased to report that each “How It Played” section came in well under the 1,200 word limit. Ironically, the first wargame, the largest scenario, was covered in less than 600 words. 


In addition to meeting or almost meeting these various targets, playing three games with the Tactica II rules increased my experience level. To be certain, I would have benefitted from group play, from participating in these fictional scenarios with player-generals who possessed greater experience and familiarity with the rules. However, due to a number of factors, this option was not immediately available to this amateur author. This limitation accepted, I would maintain that even though none of the wargames were fought to a “rules conclusion,” the scenarios were generally historical as well as educational and engaging. Those readers with a critical eye or those readers who are just more critical in general, might object to the “wall to wall” deployments used in each battle, the manner in which various formations of foot, horse, and elephants were represented, and note or even list the various blunders made while I went through the sub-phases of each turn. Again, I think that these scenarios were fairly historical in that every one of these actions were decided on the flanks. This is not to suggest, however, that nothing occurred in the center of each wargame. I will stipulate to the objections (or expected chastisements) about my particular way of wargaming. Of greater interest, I think, will be the comments and questions from readers who have more experience with the chosen rules. (This assumes, of course, that there will be comments and questions.) 


As the last wargame wound down, I found my sense of frustration with the rules growing. I found myself making a mental list of comments and questions about this or that rule. For example, why can’t units evade when not in range of their divisional commander? It occurs to me that a unit in motion would stay in motion, especially when trying to get away from a threatening enemy unit. This particular restriction seemed to suggest that the divisional commander is more important than the rules allow. Then again, perhaps I need to review this section of the rules. Perhaps my modification of the stated scale dimensions somehow impacted this process? To be sure, I would probably benefit from a participation game, wherein the rationale would be explained and well as modeled. I also wondered about the splitting up of melees into various segments or zones. Understanding that it is all an abstraction and more often than not, controlled or resolved by a number of die throws or turns of a playing card, it still struck me as a little unusual that a single friendly formation engaged by two enemy formations would fight two separate melees instead of just one large melee. It seemed unusual that a negative result in the first melee would have an immediate impact on the second melee. Perhaps I need to try harder to keep other rules “locked away” so they do not interfere with my use and understanding of another set of rules? Anyway. While leading Alexander’s Companions and the Persian heavy cavalry, I would sometimes let my mind wander to my previous “work” about tinkering with Tactica II. I also started thinking about additional ideas for amendments. In the interests of full disclosure, while setting up the table for the last wargame, I took a short break and drew up some plans for a version of Chalons employing Tactica II. For now, these plans remain on my computer “chalkboard.”